Morphological metatheory /

"The field of morphology is particularly heterogeneous. Investigators differ on key points at every level of theory. These divisions are not minor issues about technical implementation, but rather are foundational issues that mold the underlying anatomy of any theory. The field has developed ve...

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Bibliographic Details
Other Authors:	Siddiqi, Daniel (Editor), Harley, Heidi (Editor)
Format:	Electronic eBook
Language:	English
Published:	Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2016]
Series:	Linguistik aktuell ; Bd. 229.
Subjects:	Morphology > Theory. Metatheory.
Online Access:	CONNECT

Table of Contents:

Intro
Morphological Metatheory
Editorial page
Title page
LCC data
Dedication page
Table of contents
About the Authors
How are words related?
1. Introduction: Lexemes, word forms, paradigms
2. Why words and paradigms?
3. Denying morphology
4. Formal and semantic overlap reconsidered
5. Lexical representations
6. Lexical relatedness
a rough sketch
7. Deverbal participles and lexical relatedness
8. The metatheoretical status of indexes
9. Concluding remarks
References
Paradigms at the interface of a lexeme's syntax and semantics with its inflectional morphology
1. Overview of Old English conjugation
1.1 Morphosyntactic properties
1.2 Strong verbs
1.3 Weak verbs
2. Content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation
2.1 Impoverishment in Old English conjugation
2.2 Enrichment in Old English conjugation
2.3 Dissonance in Old English conjugation
3. A theory of content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation
3.1 Content paradigms, form paradigms and their linkage
3.2 Paradigm function
3.3 Canonical paradigm linkage
3.4 Property mappings
3.5 Stems
3.6 Inflection classes
3.7 Form correspondents
3.8 Rules of exponence
3.9 Noncanonical paradigm linkage
4. Discussion and conclusions
References
A Postsyntactic Morphome Cookbook
1. Introduction
2. Morphomes as Parasitic Features in DM
2.1 Purely Parasitic Features
2.2 Semi-Parasitic Features
2.3 Summary
3. Habitats of Parasitic Features
3.1 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM: Decomposition
3.2 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM
Meta-Features on Markedness
3.3 Parasitic Features in other Frameworks
3.4 Summary
4. Morphomes in the Morphome Literature
4.1 Some Classical Morphomes
4.2 Deriving Restrictions on Morphomes
4.3 Summary.
5. Alternatives to Morphomes and Parasitic Features in DM
5.1 Morphomes as Elsewhere Syncretism
5.2 Morphomes as Homophony or Suppletion
5.3 Morphomes by Pure Impoverishment ('Carving')
5.4 Summary
6. Summary
References
Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology and Distributed Morphology*
1. Introduction
2. Syncretism in DM
2.1 DM Basics
2.2 Shared- and Nonshared-Feature Syncretism in DM
2.3 Metasyncretisms in DM
2.4 Interim Summary: DM
3. Syncretism in PFM2
3.1 PFM2 Basics
Anchor 155
3.2 Syncretism in PFM2
3.3 Metasyncretism in PFM2
3.4 Interim Summary: PFM2
4. Comparing DM and PFM: Restrictiveness
4.1 Introduction
4.2 DM and Restrictions on Syncretism
4.3 Are there Restrictions on Syncretism?
4.4 Conclusion
References
Phase domains at PF
1. Introduction
2. Domains
2.1 Phonological domains
2.1.1 Causatives and inner domains
2.1.2 Beyond causatives
2.2 Domains for suppletion
3. Domain mismatches
3.1 Tense domain mismatches
3.2 Phonological domains in comparatives
3.3 Domain suspension à la Bobaljik and Wurmbrand
3.4 Domain suspension revised: Feature Portage
4. Lower Heads
4.1 Yiddish predicate clefts
4.2 Compounds
5. Conclusion
References
The Costs of Zero-Derived Causativity in English
1. Introduction
1.1 Levels of Complexity
1.2 Lexical Semantic Complexity in Processing
2. Deriving Behavioral Predictions
3. Experiment 1
3.1 Methods
3.1.1 Participants
3.1.2 Stimuli
3.1.3 Procedure
3.1.4 Data Processing
3.1.5 Data Analysis
3.2 Results
3.3 Experiment 1 Discussion
4. Experiment 2
4.1 Methods
4.1.1 Participants
4.1.2 Stimuli
4.1.3 Procedure
4.1.4 Data Processing
4.1.5 Data Analysis
4.2 Results
4.3 Experiment 2 Discussion
5. Self-Paced Reading Discussion.
6. Experiment 3
6.1 Methods
6.1.1 Participants
6.1.2 Stimuli
6.1.3 Procedure
6.1.4 Data processing
6.1.5 Data analysis
6.2 Results
6.2.1 Fusiform Gyri
6.2.2 Left Posterior Temporal Lobe
6.2.3 Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus
6.2.4 Left Anterior Temporal Lobe
6.2.5 Medial Prefrontal Cortex
6.3 Discussion
7. General Discussion and Conclusion
References
Spans and words
1. Introduction: In search of the grammatical word
2. Proposal: Words are defined over spans
2.1 Portmanteaux
2.2 Syntactic Periphrasis
2.3 Mirror theory
2.4 Grammatical words
3. The X0 hypothesis
3.1 Phonologically and lexically driven periphrasis
3.2 Head movement
4. Conclusion
References
Building words
1. Syntactic word formation: A Distributed Morphology perspective
2. Root suppletion
3. Building causatives and anticausatives
4. A complex syntax for word formation
4.1 Evidence for complexity in the causative alternation
4.2 Domains for root suppletion
4.3 Spans and extended projection
5. Conclusion
References
Emergent Morphology
1. Introduction
2. Morphs and morphemes
3. Morph selection driven by morphosyntax
3.1 Top-down assessment: Manifest S-features
3.2 Bottom-up assessment: S-feature Congruence
3.3 Zero-morphs
3.4 Summary
4. Defaults
4.1 A single default
4.2 Multiple defaults and shared features
4.3 Defaults are not underlying forms
4.3.1 High information content but low frequency
4.3.2 Abstract representations: A frequency of zero
4.4 Summary
5. Selecting a nondefault morph
5.1 Preferred morphs
5.1.1 Subregularities
5.1.2 Portmanteaux: A morpho-syntactic preference
5.1.3 Summary: Nonuniqueness of underlying representations
5.2 The role of phonology.
5.2.1 Phonological relations among morphs: Southern Min tone circle
5.2.2 Phonological selection: Yoruba tone
5.2.3 Morph-specific phonological selection: Kinande tone
5.2.4 Summary
6. Conclusion
References
Morphology as an adaptive discriminative system
1. Introduction
1.1 The constructionist fallacy in morphology
1.2 Overview
2. The classical WP model
2.1 Uncertainty
2.2 Discriminability
3. Associative and discriminative strategies of correspondence
3.1 The logic of associative decomposition
3.2 The limits of association
3.2.1 The challenge of segmentation
3.2.2 Gestalt exponence
3.2.3 Sub-phonemic discrimination
3.3 Summary
4. Some challenges for making sense of morphology
5. Conclusions
References
Readjustment
1. Introduction
2. A quick overview of readjustment rules in DM and beyond
2.1 Where do readjustment rules come from, and what were they supposed to do?
2.2 Where do readjustment rules apply?
2.3 Why are readjustment rules problematic?
3. Revisiting arguments in favor of readjustment rules
3.1 Readjustment as "secondary exponence"
3.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Uto-Aztecan: Hiaki (Yaqui) vs. Classical Nahuatl
3.2.1 Verb stem allomorphy in Hiaki
3.2.1.1 HTB on the Hiaki data
3.2.1.2 HTB on readjustment vs. stem listing
3.2.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Classical Nahuatl (CN)
3.2.2.1 The CN data
3.2.2.2 The CN analysis
3.2.3 Interim conclusion regarding Uto-Aztecan stem allomorphy
3.3 Verb stem allomorphy plus reduplication in Sye (Erromangan)
3.3.1 An analysis based on suppletive stems
Inkelas and Zoll (2005)
3.3.2 Frampton's (2009) derivational account of modified forms from unmodified forms in Sye
3.3.3 Evaluation: Stem listing (suppletion) vs. readjustment in Sye
4. Conclusion
References.
Towards a Restricted Realization Theory
1. Introduction
2. On the preference of NTI and VIO models
3. Towards a VIO model: Non-locality
4. The monolistemic approach to stem allomorphy and strong/weak suppletion
4.1 Double Marking
4.1.1 The diachrony of double marking
4.1.2 Double marking and opacity
4.1.3 Triple marking
4.1.4 Borrowed affixation
4.2 Morphological creativity and the exclusion of unproductive forms
4.2.1 Where does all that listed morphology come from?
4.3 Productivity, listing, and double marking
5. Containment
5.1 Proposal I: Non-terminal insertion is limited to complex heads
5.2 Proposal II: Post-linearization spanning
4.2.1 English participle and past tense convergence
4.2.2 -ity vs.-abil-ity
4.2.3 Bracketing paradoxes
6. Towards a Vocabulary Insertion-Only model: Impoverishment
6.1 Siddiqi (2009) on feature blocking
7. Conclusions
List of Abbreviations
References
We do not need structuralist morphemes, but we do need constituent structure
1. Introduction
2. We do not need structuralist morphemes: On stem storage
2.1 Stem storage avoids conspiratorial zeroes
2.2 Stem storage widens cyclic domains for allomorph selection just enough
2.2.1 Spanish third-conjugation verbs: Subcategorization and phonotactic optimization
2.2.2 Cyclic locality in the Spanish third-conjugation alternation
2.3 Stem storage maintains parallel cycles of phonological and semantic interpretation
2.3.1 The cyclic transmission of stress-induced hiatus in Spanish denominal derivatives
2.3.2 The parallel cyclic transmission of allomorphy and allosemy
3. We need constituent structure: On the diachronic interaction of computation and storage
4. Conclusion
References
Inner and Outer morphology in Greek adjectival participles
1. Introduction.

Morphological metatheory /

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